┃Blessed is the One Reading
┃讀書的人是有福的

　　Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen:

　　科尔总理，迪根市长，女士们先生们：

　　Twenty four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, and speaking to the people of this city and the world at the city hall. Well since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn to Berlin. And today, I, myself, make my second visit to your city.

　　二十四年前，约翰·F．肯尼迪总统访问柏林，在市政厅对本城及全世界的人民发表演说。打那以后，又有两位美国总统先后来到这里。今天，我本人，第二次到访你们这座城市。

　　We come to Berlin, we American Presidents, because it's our duty to speak in this place of freedom. But I must confess, we’re drawn here by other things as well; by the feeling of history in this city -- more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and determination. Perhaps the composer, Paul Linke, understood something about American Presidents. You see, like so many Presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin. [I still have a suitcase in Berlin.]

　　我们这几位美国总统来到柏林，是因为我们有责任在这个地方谈论自由。但我必须承认，还有另外的东西吸引我们来到这里；那就是这座城市的历史感——比我们的国家还要悠久500年；是 Grunewald 和 Tiergarten 的美丽；尤其是你们的勇气和决心。作曲家 Paul Linke 兴许理解美国的总统们。你们瞧，就像我之前的多位总统一样，我今天到这里来是因为，不管我到哪里，不管我做什么，Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin（我还有个箱子留在柏林）。

　　Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America. I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East. To those listening throughout Eastern Europe, I extend my warmest greetings and the good will of the American people. To those listening in East Berlin, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before me. For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin. [There is only one Berlin.]

　　我们今天的集会正在向整个西欧和北美广播。我知道，在东德，人们也在收看和收听。对整个东欧的倾听者，我要表达美国人民最温暖的问候和善意。对东柏林的听众，我有一言相赠：我虽然没有和你们站在一起，但我也在对你们讲话，就像对我面前的这些人一样。因为我和你们，正如和你们在西柏林同胞一样，都有一个坚定不移的信念：Es gibt nur ein Berlin（只有一个柏林）。

　　Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe. From the Baltic South, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers. Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall. But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same -- still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state.

　　在我的身后，耸立着一堵墙，它环绕着这座城市的自由区域，是把整个欧洲大陆分隔开来的巨大屏障体系的组成部分。从波罗的海以南，这道屏障横穿德国：带刺的铁丝网，钢筋混凝土，军犬奔突，岗哨林立。再向南，那里可能没有看得见的高墙，但那里依然有武装警卫和检查站——依然在限制着人们的通行权，依然把极权主义国家的意志强加于每一个平凡普通的男男女女。

　　Yet, it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly; here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world.

　　然而，正是在这里，在柏林，这堵墙最清晰地凸显出来。正是在这里，新闻图片和电视屏幕都在全世界人们的心中刻下了这道横贯你们的城市、分裂整个大陆的伤痕。

　　Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German separated from his fellow men.

　　每一个站在勃兰登堡门前的人都是德国人，与自己的骨肉同胞分离。

　　Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.

　　每一个人都是柏林人，被迫注视着一道伤痕。

　　President Von Weizsäcker has said, "The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg Gate is closed." Well today -- today I say: As long as this gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind.

　　冯·维塞克总统曾说：“只要勃兰登堡门依然紧闭，德国的问题就解决不了。”然而今天——今天我要说：只要这座大门依然紧闭，只要还让这堵墙的伤疤继续存在，悬而未决的就不仅仅是德国问题，而是全人类的自由问题。

　　Yet, I do not come here to lament. For I find in Berlin a message of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph.

　　然而，我来到这里不是为了悲叹。因为我在柏林发现了一个希望的信息，一个胜利的信息，甚至就在这堵墙的阴影之下。

　　In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air-raid shelters to find devastation. Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to help. And in 1947 Secretary of State -- as you've been told -- George Marshall announced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall Plan. Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said: "Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos."

　　1945年的这个时节，柏林人走出防空洞，面对的是毁灭。千里之外，美国人民伸出了援手。1947年，美国国务卿——正如有人告诉你们的——乔治·马歇尔宣布了那个后来被称为“马歇尔计划”的援助方案。恰好就在四十年前的这一个月，他说：“我们的政策不是针对任何国家和学说，我们针对的是饥饿、贫穷、绝望和混乱。”

　　In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary of the Marshall Plan. I was struck by a sign -- the sign on a burnt-out, gutted structure that was being rebuilt. I understand that Berliners of my own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the western sectors of the city. The sign read simply: "The Marshall Plan is helping here to strengthen the free world." A strong, free world in the West -- that dream became real. Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant. Italy, France, Belgium -- virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth; the European Community was founded.

　　稍前，在德国议会大厦，我观看了纪念马歇尔计划四十周年的展览。我被一个标牌深深打动——那是一幢被烧成空架的、正在重建的建筑物上的一个标牌。我知道，与我同龄的一代柏林人，还记得这座城市的整个西区到处都能看到像它一样的标牌。标牌上写着：“马歇尔计划在这里帮助巩固自由世界。”在西方，一个强大的自由世界已经梦想成真。日本也已从废墟中崛起，成为一个经济巨人。意大利、法国、比利时——几乎所有西欧国家都获得了政治和经济上的重生；欧洲共同体已然建立。

　　In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder [Miracle on the Rhine]. Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty -- that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom. The German leaders -- the German leaders reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes. From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.

　　在西德，在柏林这儿，发生了经济奇迹，the Wirtschaftswunder（德国奇迹）。阿登纳、艾哈德、鲁伊特及其他领导人都深知自由的实践意义——只有当记者被赋予言论自由时，真相才会显现，只有当农民和商人享有经济自由时，繁荣才会到来。德国领导人削减关税，扩大自由贸易，降低税率。仅1950至1960年间，西德和柏林的生活水平就翻了一倍。

　　Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in West Berlin there is the greatest industrial output of any city in Germany: busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of parkland. Where a city's culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums. Where there was want, today there's abundance -- food, clothing, automobiles -- the wonderful goods of the Kudamm.1 From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on earth. Now the Soviets may have had other plans. But my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn't count on: Berliner Herz, Berliner Humor, ja, und Berliner Schnauze. [Berliner heart, Berliner humor, yes, and a Berliner Schnauze.]

　　在西柏林，这个四十年前还是遍地瓦砾的地方，现在是德国产出最大的工业区，到处是繁忙的办公楼，精美的住宅和公寓，热闹非凡的大街，以及连绵不绝的公园草坪。在一座城市的文化似乎已被彻底摧毁的地方，如今有两所伟大的大学，有一些交响乐团和一家歌剧院，有数不清的剧场和博物馆。从前穷困匮乏的地方，如今丰衣足食——食品、衣物、汽车——库达姆大街上应有尽有。从毁灭中，从废墟中，你们柏林人在自由中再次重建了地球上最伟大的城市之一。苏联人或许另有打算。但是，我的朋友们，有些东西是苏联人永远指望不上的，那就是柏林人的心灵，柏林人的幽默，是的，还有柏林人的大嘴巴（Schnauze）。

　　In the 1950s -- In the 1950s Khrushchev predicted: "We will bury you." But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all human history. In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards of health, even want of the most basic kind -- too little food. Even today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself. After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity. Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among nations with comity and peace. Freedom is the victor.

　　1950年代，赫鲁晓夫曾预言：“我们将埋葬你们”。但在今天的西方，我们看到的是一个自由的世界，实现了人类有史以来前所未有的繁荣和幸福。而在 Communist 世界，我们看到的是失败，是技术落后，健康水平衰退，就连最基本的东西——食品——也极度匮乏。即使在今天，苏联人依然吃不饱。在四十年之后的今天，在整个世界面前，耸立着一个伟大的、必然的结论：自由导致繁荣，自由用礼让与和平取代了各国之间古老的仇恨。自由是胜利者！

　　And now -- now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the importance of freedom. We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness. Some political prisoners have been released. Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed. Some economic enterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control.

　　现在，苏联人自己，可能以某种有限的方式，开始明白自由的重要性。我们经常听到莫斯科传来关于改革开放新政策的消息。释放了一些政治犯，不再干扰某些外国新闻广播。一些经济企业已经被允许拥有更大的、免于国家控制的自由。

　　Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system without changing it? We welcome change and openness; for we believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty -- the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace.

　　这些是不是苏联深刻变革的开始呢？抑或只是一些象征性的姿态，目的是要在西方点燃虚假的希望，或者是为了巩固苏联体制，而不是改变它？我们欢迎改革开放；因为我们相信，自由和安全携手并行，人类自由的进步——也只有人类自由的进步，能增强世界和平的事业。

　　There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace.

　　有一个信号是苏联人可以发出而不至引起误解的，它将显著地促进自由与和平的事业。

　　General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate.

　　戈尔巴乔夫总书记，如果你真的寻求和平，如果你真的寻求苏联和东欧的繁荣，如果你真的寻求自由化，那么，请到这扇门前来吧。

　　Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate.

　　戈尔巴乔夫先生，打开这扇门！

　　Mr. Gorbachev -- Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!

　　戈尔巴乔夫先生，推倒这堵墙！

　　I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent, and I pledge to you my country's efforts to help overcome these burdens. To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion. So, we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength. Yet we seek peace; so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides.

　　我懂得折磨着这片大陆的战争恐惧和分裂痛苦，我向你们保证，我的国家将会帮助克服这些重负。诚然，我们西方必须抵抗苏联的扩张。因此，我们必须维持牢不可破的防御力量。然而我们也寻求和平，所以我们也必须努力削减双方的军备。

　　Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles capable of striking every capital in Europe. The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter-deployment (unless the Soviets agreed to negotiate a better solution) -- namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides. For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness. As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter-deployment, there were difficult days, days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city; and the Soviets later walked away from the table.

　　从十年前开始，苏联人就以一个新的严重威胁挑战着西方联盟，他们部署了数百枚更致命的新式 SS-20 核导弹，足以摧毁欧洲每一个座都市。西方联盟的回应是致力于反部署（除非苏联人同意通过谈判找到一个更好的解决办法）——亦即双方都消除此类武器。数月以来，苏联人拒绝认真商谈。当西方联盟反过来准备推进其反部署行动时，出现了一些困难的日子，像1982年我访问这座城市期间那些抗议的日子，以及后来苏联人从谈判桌旁拂袖离去的那些日子。

　　But through it all, the alliance held firm. And I invite those who protested then -- I invite those who protest today -- to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets came back to the table. Because we remained strong, today we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons from the face of the earth.

　　但尽管有这些困难，西方联盟依然立场坚定。我请当年抗议的那些人——我请今天抗议的那些人——注意这样一个事实：因为我们保持强硬，苏联人回到了谈判桌上。因为我们保持强硬，今天我们能做到的，不只是限制军备增长，而且还包括这样一种可能，就是破天荒第一次从地球上彻底消除核武器。

　　As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals for eliminating these weapons. At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons. And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical weapons.

　　就在我发表演说的时候，北约的部长们正在冰岛开会，评估我们提出的消除核武器的提议所取得的进展。在日内瓦会谈中，我们还提议大幅削减进攻性战略武器。西方盟国同样提出了内容广泛的提议，以减少发生常规战争的危险，并全面禁止化学武器。

　　While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter Soviet aggression at any level at which it might occur. And in cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative -- research to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend; on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them. By these means we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world. But we must remember a crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed; we are armed because we mistrust each other. And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty. When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those 24 years ago, freedom was encircled; Berlin was under siege. And today, despite all the pressures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty. And freedom itself is transforming the globe.

　　在我们追求这些削减武器政策的同时，我向你们保证，我们将维持阻止苏联在任何可能层面上发动侵略的能力。美国正在与许多盟友合作，探讨“战略防御计划”——这一威慑不是基于进攻性报复的威胁，而是基于真正的防御。简言之，这一防御体系不会以平民为目标，而是保护他们。借助这些手段，我们试图增强欧洲和全世界的安全。但我们必须记住一个至关重要的事实：东方和西方并非因为武装起来而互不信任，我们是因为互不信任而武装起来。我们的分歧并不在于武器，而是关乎自由。肯尼迪总统二十四年前在市政厅演讲时，自由被包围，柏林被围城。然而今天，尽管这座城市承受着很多压力，但柏林安全地耸立在自由之中，自由本身也在改变着整个世界。

　　In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given a rebirth. Throughout the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of economic growth. In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking place, a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications.

　　在菲律宾、南美和中美洲，民主已经获得重生。在整个太平洋地区，自由市场正在创造一个又一个经济增长的奇迹。在工业化国家，一次技术革命正在发生，这次革命以计算机和电信技术的迅速发展为标志。

　　In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom. Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete.

　　在欧洲，只有一个国家和它控制的那些国家拒绝加入这个自由共同体。然而，在这个经济成倍增长的时代，在这个信息与创新的时代，苏联面临着一个选择：它必须进行根本性的变革，否则它将成为明日黄花。

　　Today, thus, represents a moment of hope. We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, to create a safer, freer world. And surely there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start.

　　因此，今天代表着希望的时刻。我们西方准备好与东方进行合作，促进真正的开放，推倒分离人们的屏障，创造一个更安全、更自由的世界。毫无疑问，没有哪个地方比柏林，这个东西交汇之地，更适合作为一个起始点。

　　Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971. Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future. Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 agreement.

　　柏林自由的人们，今天的美国就像过去一样，将严格遵守并执行1971年的《四强协定》。让我们借这个机会，本市建城 750 周年纪念日，迎接一个新的时代，为未来的柏林寻求更充实、更富足的生活。让我们一起维护并发展联邦共和国与西柏林之间的联系，这是1971年协定所允许的。

　　And I invite Mr. Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world.

　　我还要邀请戈尔巴乔夫先生：让我们一起努力，让这座城市的东西两个部分靠得更紧一些，以便整个柏林的所有居民都能享受到生活在这个世界上最伟大的城市之一所带来的好处。

　　To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical. We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.

　　为了进一步向整个欧洲——东欧和西欧——开放柏林，让我们拓展这座城市至关重要的空中通道，想方设法使通向柏林的商业航空服务更便利、更舒适、更经济。我们期待着有朝一日西柏林可以成为整个中欧地区的主要航空枢纽之一。

　　With -- With our French -- With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin. It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control, or other issues that call for international cooperation.

　　与我们的法国和英国伙伴一起，美国准备帮助把一些国际会议带到柏林来。对柏林来说，召开联合国会议，或者人权、军控及其他需要国际合作的议题的国际会议，再合适也不过了。

　　There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East. Our French and British friends, I'm certain, will do the same. And it's my hope that an authority can be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors.

　　要给未来确立希望，最好的办法莫过于启迪年轻人的心智，我们有幸赞助暑期青年交流、文化事件，以及针对东柏林青年的其他计划。我敢肯定，我们的法国朋友和英国朋友也会做同样的事。我也希望东柏林当局能够赞助西柏林青年的访问。

　　One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment and ennoblement, and you may have noted that the Republic of Korea -- South Korea -- has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take place in the North. International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city. And what better way to demonstrate to the world the openness of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic games here in Berlin, East and West.

　　最后一个建议，一个由衷的建议是：运动代表了快乐与崇高之源，你们可能注意到了，韩国已经允许1988年夏季奥运会的某些赛事在朝鲜举行。各种国际体育比赛也可以在这个城市的两个部分举行。假如在将来某一年，奥运会能在柏林——东柏林与西柏林——举行，还有什么更好的方式，比这更能向世界展示这座城市的开放呢？

　　In these four decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built a great city. You've done so in spite of threats -- the Soviet attempts to impose the East-mark, the blockade. Today the city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit in the very presence of this wall. What keeps you here? Certainly there's a great deal to be said for your fortitude, for your defiant courage.

　　在这四十年里，正如我已经说过的，你们柏林人建造了一座伟大的城市。尽管有很多威胁——苏联人试图强加东德标志：封锁——但你们还是做到了。今天，尽管有这堵墙的存在所隐喻的种种挑战，这座城市依然繁荣兴旺。是什么让你们坚持下来？当然可以说是由于你们的坚韧，你们抵抗的勇气。

　　But I believe there's something deeper, something that involves Berlin's whole look and feel and way of life -- not mere sentiment. No one could live long in Berlin without being completely disabused of illusions. Something, instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Berlin but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presence, that refuses to release human energies or aspirations, something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says "yes" to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom. In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Berlin -- is "love."

　　但我相信有某种更深刻的东西，涉及到柏林整体的生活观和生活方式——不仅仅是情感。如果不彻底摈除幻想，谁也不可能在柏林生活很长时间。实际上，有某种东西，看到了柏林生活的困难，却选择接受它们，继续建造这座与周边极权主义存在比起来堪称美好和骄傲的城市，拒绝松懈人的活力和雄心；有某种东西，用强有力的、肯定的声音，对这座城市说：“是”，对未来说是，对自由说是。一言以蔽之，让你们在柏林坚持下来的，是“爱”。

　　Love both profound and abiding.

　　爱深刻而持久。

　　Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all between East and West. The totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship. The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront.

　　或许这触及了问题的根源，触及了东德与西德之间最根本的区别。极权主义世界生产落后，因为它侵犯这种精神，阻碍人类创造、享受、崇拜的冲动。极权主义世界觉得，就连爱和崇拜的符号也是一种侮辱。

　　Years ago, before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at Alexander Platz. Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower's one major flaw: treating the glass sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind. Yet even today when the sun strikes that sphere, that sphere that towers over all Berlin, the light makes the sign of the cross. There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppressed.

　　许多年前，在东德开始重建教堂之前，他们建造了一幢世俗建筑物：亚历山大广场电视塔。打那以后，东德当局一直在努力纠正他们看来该塔的一个重大缺陷：往其顶部的玻璃球上倾倒各种颜料和化学品。然而，即使在今天，每当阳光照射那个玻璃球，那个高踞于柏林所有塔楼之上的玻璃球，阳光还是标示出一个十字架的形状。在这里，就像在城市本身一样，爱的符号，崇拜的符号，不可能受到压制。

　　As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner (quote):

　　当我片刻之前从国会大厦——德国统一的化身——向外眺望时，我注意到一句喷漆在柏林墙上的话，大概是一个年轻的柏林人写下的：

　　"This wall will fall. Beliefs become reality."

　　“此墙必将倒塌，信念终将成真。”

　　Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall, for it cannot withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth. The wall cannot withstand freedom.

　　是的，穿过欧洲的这堵墙终将倒下，因为它对抗不了信仰，它对抗不了真理，它对抗不了自由！

　　And I would like, before I close, to say one word. I have read, and I have been questioned since I've been here about certain demonstrations against my coming. And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so. I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently seek, no one would ever be able to do what they're doing again.

　　在结束演说之前，我想说一句话。我已经读到，来这儿之后也曾被人问及，说是有人举行示威，抗议我的到来。我只想说一件事，对那些示威者说一件事。我不知道他们可曾自问，如果他们真的有了他们试图建立的那种政府，那就再也没有一个人能做他们现在所做的事了。

　　Thank you and God bless you all. Thank you.

　　谢谢大家，上帝保佑你们。

〇 黄裳：违碍种种

〇 秦晖：社会公正与学术良心

〇 邓贤：最理想主义的人生悲剧

〇 周泽雄：异议的魅力

〇 葛剑雄：时代性的人性扭曲

〇 贺卫方：东京之大

〇 张鸣：特权的庄稼

〇 蒋蓝：异端的宿命史

〇 施京吾：盛世下的零和社会

〇 朱正琳：不成形状三十年

〇 克里玛：文化与极权主义

〇 胡文辉：当知识分子成为小丑